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Daisy Bates
Bates in 1936
Born
Margaret May O'Dwyer

(1859-10-16)16 October 1859
Died18 April 1951(1951-04-18) (aged 91)
Resting placeNorth Road Cemetery, Nailsworth, South Australia
OccupationJournalist
Spouse(s)Harry Harbord 'Breaker' Morant, possible bigamous marriage to John (Jack) Bates and definite bigamous marriage to Ernest C. Baglehole
ChildrenArnold Hamilton Bates

Daisy May Bates, CBE[1] (born Margaret May O'Dwyer; 16 October 1859 – 18 April 1951) was an Irish-Australian journalist, welfare worker and self-taught anthropologist who conducted fieldwork amongst several Indigenous nations in western and southern Australia.

Some of the Pitjantjatjara in Ooldea and the surrounding area referred to Bates by the courtesy name Kabbarli "grandmother." She was referred to by others as mamu, meaning ghost or devil, and as "that poor old lady at Ooldea".[2][3][4]

It was not until long after her death that facts about her early life emerged,[5] and even recent biographers disagree in their accounts of her life and work.[6] Bates remains a complicated figure in the History of Indigenous Australians as well as in Australian history more broadly. Her work is considered to be an unrivaled source of ethnographic data on the Aboriginal cultures of Western Australia, while her reliability has simultaneously been questioned due to the many false claims she made about her personal history.[7]

Biography

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Early life

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Bates was born as Margaret May O'Dwyer in October 1859, in County Tipperary, Ireland when it was under British colonial rule.[1] She had six siblings, including a twin brother named 'Francis'. Francis and another sibling, Joe, died young (with Francis dying two weeks after being born). When Bates was four, her mother, Bridget (née Hunt), died of tuberculosis on 20 February 1864. Her Catholic bootmaker father, James Edward O'Dwyer, now widowed, hired Mary Dillon to look after his six children. Seven months later they were married and attempted to emigrate to the United States, her father however died en route, also in 1864.[8]

After her father and stepmother left for the US, Bates and her siblings were split up between relatives. Bates and three of her younger siblings were sent to live with her grandmother, Catherine Hunt, called 'Granny Hunt' by Bates.[9] After Granny Hunt died in 1868, Bates returned to live with her stepmother, Mary, who had managed to return to Ireland and take over as householder. Bates (now nine years old) and her eldest sister, Kathleen, were sent to the Free National School for Catholic Girls in Dublin. She stayed there until she was nineteen, likely working as a pupil-teacher.[10][a]

After leaving school, Bates was employed as a family governess in London.[11][12] Not much is known of her time in London, except that she first met Ernest Baglehole there, who was the son of a wealthy ship and factory owner. Bates was rejected as a bride for Baglehole, who had already been arranged to marry a 'Miss Jessie Rose', the daughter of an engineer and descendant of the Rose Clan. Bates seems to have then been dismissed from her position. Possibly motivated by humiliation and a desire to start anew, Bates planned to emigrate to Australia.[13]

Emigration and life in eastern Australia: 1882 to 1894

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Photograph of Daisy shortly after her arrival in Queensland, 1883

On 22 November 1882, Bates boarded RMS Almora, en route to Townsville in Queensland, Australia.[14][15] Bates, being twenty-three at the time, lied about her age to be given a government-assisted concessional fare. This was part of an immigration scheme, reserved for "...Catholic girls of 'good character' aged between fifteen and twenty-one."[16] After arriving in Townsville on 15 January 1883, Bates's whereabouts for the next year is unclear.[17][18] It is known that Bates was in Charters Towers for some period of time before November 1883, as a coroner's inquest report into the death/suicide of a man named Arnold Knight Colquhoun includes a suicide note that was intended for her.[19]

Black and white photograph of Breaker Morant. He is facing to the left of the photograph, showing his side profile. He is wearing a slouch hat and has an ammo belt strapped across his chest and over his left shoulder.
Photograph of Breaker Morant, in military uniform, 1900

By the beginning of 1884, Bates had found employment as a governess on Fanning Downs cattle station, 40 kilometres (25 mi) outside of Charters Towers.[20][18] Breaker Morant (aka, Harry Morant or Edwin Murrant) was also employed here, but as a 'horse-boy'. On 13 March 1884, they married in Charters Towers.[21] The marriage was not legal; in Queensland, a man had to be at least twenty-one years old to get married and Morant was only nineteen (though Morant had said he was twenty-one).[22][23]

About a month later, Bates learned that Morant had paid for neither the reverend nor the jeweller, and that he had stolen several pigs and a saddle.[24][18][25] Morant spent only a week in jail for the thefts (the case was dismissed) and shortly afterwards Bates and Morant separated.[26][18] They never officially divorced, likely due to the cost, divorces only being granted under specific circumstances, and the divorce laws being sexist favouring men.[26] Bates then moved and kept their marriage a secret.

A black and white photograph of Jack Bates. He is wearing a black trilby and is sporting a thick, dark mustache.
Photograph of Jack Bates

By the end of 1884, Bates had found employment as a governess and maid on a small property in Nowra, NSW.[27] Here she met Jack Bates on Christmas Eve, the eldest son of her employer and a drover.[28] He proposed a few days later, and they were married on 17 February 1885. She again lied that she was only twenty-one years old. Due to his occupation, Jack would sometimes spend months away at a time, having to move cattle over great distances.[29]

Bates also married Ernest Baglehole[b] that year on 10 June 1885, at St Stephen's Anglican Church, Newtown, Sydney. Again, claiming to be twenty-one years old.[30][31] she had received a letter from him three days after her wedding to Jack Bates (who at that point had already left for work). It is not known how Baglehole managed to find Bates. Not much is known of their relationship; Bates later burned their letters, wedding photos and her diaries, nor is any record of his death known. It is known that he was already married, had two children, and had arrived in Australia working as fourth-mate aboard the merchant vessel Zealandia.[32]

Bates' only child, Arnold Hamilton Bates, was born on 26 August 1886 in Bathurst, New South Wales. While officially being the son of the Bates, some biographers speculate that Arnold Bates' biological father was Baglehole, not Bates.[33][34] The polygamous nature of Bates's marriages was kept secret during her lifetime.[citation needed]

Return to England: 1894 to 1899

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On 9 February 1894, Bates returned to England for free by taking a job as a stewardess aboard barquentine Macquarie. Before leaving she enrolled her son in a Catholic boarding school in Campbelltown, NSW and planned for him to stay with his paternal grandmother during the summer holidays at Pyree.[35] She told her husband that she would return to Australia only when he had a home established for her. She arrived penniless in England as her bank had failed in the recession and her husband had not sent her any more.[36]

After arriving in London, she went home to Roscrea for some time, before returning once again to London. There she found a job working for journalist and social campaigner W. T. Stead. Despite her sceptical views, she worked as an assistant editor on the psychic quarterly Borderlands. She developed an active social life among London's well-connected and bohemian literary and political milieu.[37]

She left Stead's employment in 1896, it is unclear how she supported herself until 1899.[38][7] That year she set sail for Western Australia after her husband wrote to say that he was looking for a property there.[39]

Emigration to Western Australia: 1899 to 1914

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Growth as a writer: 1899 to 1904

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On her return voyage she met Father Dean Martelli, a Roman Catholic priest who had worked with Aboriginals and who gave her an insight into the dire conditions they faced. He also suggested that she join an expedition to a Catholic Mission at Beagle Bay, near Broome, where a dictionary of the local language was being compiled.[40]

She arrived in Fremantle aboard SS Stugart with enough money to buy the lease for a large plot of land named Ethel Creek Station, several hundred cattle, and a block of land in Fremantle. The source of this great sum of money is unknown.[41]

She found a Catholic boarding school in Perth for her son, Arnold, and organised for him to stay with another family.[42] She became involved in the Karrakatta Club where she met Dr Roberta Jull. Bates would go on to aid Dr Jull in researching Aboriginal women's health, and Dr Jull would read a paper by Bates at a medical conference in Glasgow[when?] titled "Marriage laws, customs etc. of Aborigines [sic] in relation to women".[43][44] Shortly after 1900 began, Jack Bates left for Ethel Creek Station; Daisy followed in March, leaving Arnold in boarding school.[45]

Daisy landed at the pearling port of Cossack; having travelled via SS Sultan, a coastal steamer. From there she travelled to Roeburne, joining Jack, where they then travelled along the coast in a horse-drawn buggy to Port Hedland, and then inland to Ethel Creek Station.[46][47][48] Daisy named it 'Glen Carrick'.[c] After arranging the building of a cattle run and homestead, they began the return journey home; first to Port Hedland and then Carnarvon by buggy, and then to Perth via the Sultan.[53][54]

In August (no more than a month after arriving back in Perth), Daisy joined Bishop Matthew Gibney and Father Martelli on an expedition to the mission at Beagle Bay. Before arriving in Beagle Bay, they stayed in Broome for a few weeks. During this time, Daisy witnessed the sex-trafficking of Aboriginal women within the pearling industry. While in Beagle Bay, Daisy assisted by tending to sick Aboriginal women as "Many were suffering from malnutrition, as well as from diseases that included leprosy, yaws and syphilis given them by Europeans."[55] They were also involved in repairing buildings, fences and wells, as well as yarding cattle.[56]

Black and white photograph of Daisy Bates wearing a long white dress. Her hair is tied up and her sleeves are layered. She is looking at the camera while standing with an arm behind her back.
Photograph of Daisy, taken on the day she met the duke.

They had returned to Perth by March 1901.[57] She was invited to a garden party at Government House on 24 July 1901. Here she met George V[d]; he retrieved her umbrella after she had dropped it, making the umbrella a treasured heirloom of hers.[58][59] Biographers disagree on the reason for her invitation: Susanna de Vries claims that she had achieved a level of celebrity after her 'sojourn' to the Beagle Bay mission and that she was consequently invited;[60] Brian Lomas gives her membership of the Karrakatta Club as reason;[61] Bob Reece incorrectly[e] claims that it was after organising a corroboree to greet the Duke and Duchess on their arrival in Perth.[59]

Daisy soon published two articles in Western Australia's Department of Agriculture's journal. The first article, titled 'Possibilities of Tropical Agriculture in Nor' west', was published in July 1901 and is primarily focused on the agricultural successes of the mission at Beagle Bay.[64] The second article, titled 'From Port Hedland to Carnarvon by Buggy' was published in September 1901 and was an account of her trip with Jack after leaving their cattle station, Glen Carrick.[54]

In February 1902, The Bates family moved to Broome, where Jack had a job on Roebuck Plains Station. They left on a droving trip with 700-1000 cattle in April. Heading south along the coast until they reached Condon, they then followed De Grey River, crossed the Fortescue Marshes to Roy Hill Station where 500 cattle were left, and then finally arrived at Ethel Creek Station. Most biographers[f] accept that the drove was a failure as the 200 cattle intended for Ethel Creek station were lost.[66][67][68] Daisy left the station by buggy, while Jack stayed to manage the station and remaining cattle. Eventually arriving in Broome, she boarded the Sultan with Father Martelli and arrived in Perth on 21 November 1902.[69]

Over 1,000 kilometres (620 mi) was covered in this six month long trip and it would provide material for a series of articles titled 'Through the Nor-West on a Side-Saddle'.[g] These were published in the Catholic paper, The W.A. Record, which was managed by Bishop Gibney and who had hired her as a journalist.[70] Her first known writings on Aboriginal Australians are in these articles, many of which are disparaging.[71] In the articles she published soon after the trip, as well as in the article she published twenty years later, she omitted any mention of Jack.[66]

Daisy's employment at the W.A. Record ceased sometime in May 1903. On 4 August she became the first woman to publish an article in the engineering journal, Cassier's Magazine, on the Coolgardie Water Scheme. Arnold, who had taken an apprenticeship at the engineering firm, Hoskins and Company, that had been contracted to make 300 miles (480 km) of steel pipe used in the dam project, possibly helped her. She also omitted her gender by signing the article as 'D.M.B'.[72][73] In December she was hired by the Western Mail to write a series of articles on mining in the Murchison goldfields of Western Australia, which she travelled through for three months.[74][75]

Beginning of anthropological career: 1904 to 1914

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On 3 May 1904 the Registrar General of Western Australia, Malcolm Fraser, temporarily appointed her to research Aboriginal customs and languages. She started by compiling a questionnaire which was "...sent to white males who exercised some measure of control over Aboriginal people" and by reading ethnographic material held by libraries across the state.[76][77][78] In 1905 she learned of the Welshpool Aboriginal Reserve, called Maamba by the Noongar people; it was 6 km from Cannington, at the foot of the Darling Range.[59][79] What can be considered her first ethnographic work took place here; after visiting a few times, she set up camp for a short period and interviewed a number of Noongar Elders (including Fanny Balbuk).[80] She wrote an article on the customs of the Aboriginal people of Western Australia, focusing on marriage laws. It was read at a meeting of the Victorian branch of the Royal Geographical Society and at Perth's Natural History Society. It was also adapted into a series of articles for the Western Mail in April 1906.[81][82]

Her position was originally to last one year but owing to a series of extensions that were granted[h] she managed to have her position extended until 1910. Over this time she conducted further fieldwork, visiting towns and 'reserves' through much of the South-West, as far east as Kalgoorlie and as far north as Wilgie Mia.[84][85] This work would result in her book, 'The Native Tribes of Western Australia', which would not be published until 1985 after being edited by anthropologist Isobel Mary White.[i]

She sent two copies of her work to Andrew Lang who shared her work with Alfred Radcliffe-Brown as Brown was to lead an ethnological expedition to Western Australia, funded by Cambridge University. The expedition was composed of Brown and his assistant, E. L. Grant Watson.[88] Colonial Secretary, James Connolly, wishing to end Daisy's employment and the government's costly responsibility to publish her book, had Daisy's superior, Frederic North, broker an agreement with Brown; in return for the government paying Daisy's salary for six months, Daisy would join the expedition and Brown would take responsibility for publishing her book. For the duration of the expedition, Daisy was appointed as a Travelling Protector of Aborigines [sic], becoming the first woman to hold the role in Western Australia. Her appointment "...required her to police the moral behaviour of Aboriginal women and girls and clear the Aboriginal camps she visited of children of mixed ethnicity." On 13 October 1910, they left Fremantle for Geraldton aboard SS Hobart, beginning the expedition. In less than a month, Daisy reported at least two Aboriginal children so that they would be taken away by police.[89][90]

From Geraldton they traveled east by train to the town of Sandstone. There they joined a group of Aboriginal people who were camping outside of town and began their anthropological work, which included making lists of essential words.[91] During their fourth morning there, the camp was raided by mounted police throwing the camp into disarray and resulted in the camp being quickly abandoned. Among those taken by police was some number of young bi-racial Aboriginal girls, Daisy again assisted the police in this.[j][92][94]

Map of Shark bay. Bernier and Dorre island are in the top-left quarter, they are thin and long, stretching nearly straight south to north.
Shark bay; Bernier and Dorre island seen in the top left.

With the camp thrown "...into a state of unrest", the expedition left[k] for the lock hospitals on Dorre and Bernier Island where Aboriginal people infected with syphilis and other – misidentified – infections were being forcibly taken; more than 40% would not return to their homelands.[95][96] From November 1910 to February 1911 Daisy and Brown conducted interviews on both of the islands,[l] and in and around Carnarvon at camps and the jail. On 9 April they boarded the SS Paroo together and returned to Fremantle.[98]

Bates and a group of Aboriginal women, 1911. Printed on postcards and likely taken at Peak Hill, "The narrow age profile, posture and dress suggest the women were specifically selected and asked to lower their tops to expose their breasts."[99]

In Perth, Brown requested the government to extend Daisy's employment for six months, but only two months were granted. Brown soon left for Carnarvon again, while Daisy (sometime in May) left for Meekatharra and Peak Hill, intending to speak with Wajarri people. In June she received a telegram informing her that her employment had ended. She returned to Perth, residing at the Karrakatta Club. She applied for the positions of Travelling Inspector and Protector of Aboriginies [sic] but she was rejected on the grounds that she did not have the necessary medical qualifications. Brown however retained her services as a researcher. Daisy travelled to Katanning in mid July and there she and a doctor aided Noongar people infected with measles.[100]

Bates was said later to come into conflict with Radcliffe-Brown after sending him her manuscript report of the expedition. Much to her chagrin, he did not return it for many years. When he did, he had annotated it extensively with critical remarks. At a symposium, Bates accused Radcliffe-Brown of plagiarising her work.[101] She was scheduled to speak after Radcliffe-Brown had presented his paper, but when she rose, she only complimented him on his presentation of her work, and resumed her seat.[citation needed]

After 1912, her application to become the Northern Territory's Protector of Aborigines was rejected on the basis of gender.[citation needed] Bates continued her work independently, financing it by selling her cattle station.[citation needed] The same year she became the first woman to be appointed as Honorary Protector of Aborigines at Eucla. She spent sixteen years there.

South Australia

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Bates stayed at Eucla until 1914, when she travelled to Adelaide, Melbourne, and Sydney to attend the Science Congress of the Association for the Advancement of Science. Before returning to the desert, she gave lectures in Adelaide, which aroused the interests of several women's organisations. During her years at Ooldea, a permanent water soak and train station, she financed her work by selling her property. To supplement her income, she wrote numerous articles for newspapers and magazines, and submitted papers to learned societies. Through journalist and author Ernestine Hill, Bates's work was introduced to the general public. Much of the publicity tended to focus on her sensational reports of infanticide and cannibalism among the Aboriginals.[102][time needed][103][better source needed]

Bates on a railway station platform in Australia, 1934

In August 1933, the Commonwealth Government invited Bates to Canberra to advise on Aboriginal affairs. The next year she was created a Commander of the Order of the British Empire by King George V. Bates was more interested in the fact that the honour helped getting her work published.[citation needed] She left Ooldea and went to Adelaide. With the help of Ernestine Hill, Bates published a series of articles for leading Australian newspapers, titled My Natives and I. At the age of seventy-one, she still walked every day to her office at The Advertiser building.[citation needed]

Daisy in 1938

Later, the Commonwealth Government paid her a stipend of $4 a week[citation needed] to assist her in putting all her papers and notes in order, and preparing her planned manuscript. But with no other income, she found it too expensive to remain in Adelaide. She moved to the village settlement of Pyap on the Murray River, where she pitched her tent and set up her typewriter. In 1938, she published The Passing of the Aborigines[104] which asserted that there were practices of cannibalism and infanticide. This generated considerable publicity about her book. In 1941, Bates returned to her tent life at Wynbring Siding, east of Ooldea. She lived there on and off until 1945, when she returned to Adelaide because of her health.[citation needed]

Final years

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In 1948, she tried, through the Australian Army, to contact her son, Arnold Bates, who had served in France during World War I. Later, in 1949, she contacted the Army again, through the Returned and Services League of Australia (RSL), in an effort to reach him.[105] Her son was living in New Zealand but refused to have anything to do with his mother.

Bates died on 18 April 1951, aged 91. She was buried at Adelaide's North Road Cemetery.

Involvement with Australian Aboriginal peoples

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Bates became interested in the Aboriginal Australians for their own cultures. Alan Moorehead, in the foreword of the 1973 edition of Bate's book, said:[106]

As far as I can make out she never tried to teach the Australians Aborigines anything or convert them to any faith. She preferred them to stay as they were and live out the last of their days in peace.

Moorehead also wrote:[107]

She was not an anthropologist but she knew them better than anyone else who ever lived; and she made them interesting not only to herself but to us as well.

In all, Bates devoted 40 years of her life to studying Aboriginal life, history, culture, rites, beliefs and customs.[102] She researched and wrote on the subject while living in a tent in small settlements from Western Australia to the edges of the Nullarbor Plain, including at Ooldea in South Australia. She was noted for her strict lifelong adherence to Edwardian fashion, including wearing boots, gloves and a veil while in the bush.[102] Bates set up camps to feed, clothe, and nurse the transient Aboriginal people, drawing on her own income to meet the needs of the aged. She was said to have worn pistols even in her old age and to have been quite prepared to use them to threaten police when she caught them mistreating "her" Aboriginals.

Given the strains that the Aboriginals suffered from European encroachment on their lands and culture, Bates was convinced that they were a dying race. She believed that her mission was to record as much as she could about them before they disappeared.[108][109] In a 1921 article in the Sunday Times (Perth), Bates advocated a "woman patrol" to prevent the movement of Aboriginals from the Central Australian Reserve into settled areas, to prevent conflict and interracial unions.[110] She later responded to criticism of her effort to keep the people separated, by civil-rights leader William Harris, Aboriginal. He said that part-Aboriginal, mixed-race people could be of value to Australian society. But Bates wrote, "as to the half-castes, however early they may be taken and trained, with very few exceptions, the only good half-caste is a dead one."[111][page needed]

Daisy's fictitious claims

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Daisy made many false claims about her personal history. Reasons for this are speculated on by many of her biographers.[112][113] Many have only been found to be untrue long after her death.

Daisy claimed her family to be landowning Irish Anglican aristocracy, when in fact her parents were poor Catholics and "...lived in modest circumstances above the family bootery..." which they rented.[114]

She also claimed that her return to Australia in 1899 was partly motivated by The Times accepting an offer of hers to investigate claims of cruel treatment of Aboriginal people in Western Australia.[40] She claimed that she conducted this investigation in 1900 during her trip with Jack Bates to Ethel Creek Station. This however is a fiction that she constructed three decades later. Her first published article, From Port Hedland to Carnarvon by Buggy, published in 1901, is her account of this trip. It is primarily concerned with agricultural matters, and in it she makes a singular and racist reference to Aboriginal people.[48]

Daisy claimed that in 1910 she had questioned the Aboriginal men arrested for the Laverton massacre while they were being transported to Perth by rail. She also claimed that the information she had collected from interviewing the men resulted in there being no trial.[115] However:

  • The men she interviewed were being transported to Kalgoorlie.
  • There had been a brief trial where some of the men were found not guilty and the rest had their cases dropped. Daisy was not the cause of this; instead it was the magistrate finding the evidence given by the prosecutors to be inconsistent and unreliable.
  • Her monthly report to the Chief Protector mentions that she did not ask the men "...about the Laverton murders, and her travel expenses claims and telegrams confirm that she did not travel to Perth but ended her train journey at Geraldton."[116][117][118]

Recognition and memberships

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Digital database

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There is a collaborative Internet project by the National Library of Australia and the University of Melbourne to digitise and transcribe many word lists compiled by Bates in the 1900s. The project is co-ordinated by Nick Thieberger, to digitise all the microfilmed images from Section XII of the Bates papers.[120] It can provide a valuable resource for those researching especially Western Australian languages, and some of those in the Northern Territory and South Australia.[121]

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Notes

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  1. ^ Blackburn gives Daisy's age as eighteen. More recent work by de Vries found that Daisy was a year older.
  2. ^ The son of a past employer in London and who she had been rejected as a bride for. See under 'Early life'.
  3. ^ Two biographers, Julia Blackburn and Susanna de Vries, speculate on this name's inspiration. Blackburn says that it was in memory of the "...fine horseman Carrick O'Bryen Hoare who wanted to marry her."; Daisy had met Hoare in London, sometime after leaving the employment of W. T. Stead.[49] de Vries, while knowing of Carrick Hoare,[50] speculates that "She thought back to her happiest time... with Granny Hunt at Ballychrine... She might have thought wistfully of ‘the green, green hills of Carrick'..."[51] Daisy states that it was named "...in affectionate remembrance of a cousin in England..."[52]
  4. ^ At the time, George was only the Duke of York
  5. ^ Henry Prinsep (Western Australia's first Chief Protector of Aborigines [sic]) desired to organise a 'grand corroboree' to greet the Duke and Duchess. He was ordered by Sir John Forrest to not do so, and so he instead organised for a group of no fewer than 110 Aboriginal people to witness the Duke's and Duchess's visit.[62][63]
  6. ^ Lomas is the exception; he contends that the 200 cattle were intended for a nearby station and that this was kept secret as it was part of a conspiracy to defraud a neighbouring pastoralist.[65]
  7. ^ She wrote about this trip again, twenty years later, titling the article 'Over 3,000 Miles On A Side-Saddle'.
  8. ^ The extensions were granted through her repeated requests to extend the range of her fieldwork in order to authenticate her findings, utilisation of her newspaper articles to promote public support and some government officials approving of her work.[83]
  9. ^ It was not published during Daisy's lifetime due to its large printing cost as it was originally 1460 pages. The wordlists she collected have been made publicly accessible through the Digital Daisy Bates project.[86][87][78]
  10. ^ The police were looking for the Aboriginal people who had murdered eleven other Aboriginal people in what is called the 'Laverton Massacre', as well as bi-racial children and Aboriginal people who were sick.[92][93]
  11. ^ Brown and Watson left first and Daisy followed three days later, having stayed in Sandstone to talk with the Aboriginal men, women and children who were being held in the police station's cells.
  12. ^ Aboriginal men were kept on Bernier island and women and children on Dorre.[97]

Citations

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  1. ^ a b Land 2018.
  2. ^ Horton 1994, p. 109.
  3. ^ Hogan 2021, p. Chapter IV: 10 - The great-great-grandmother of that welfare mob.
  4. ^ Huntley 2023 Event occurs at 20:34
  5. ^ de Vries 2008.
  6. ^ Jones 2008.
  7. ^ a b Reece 2007b.
  8. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 27-29.
  9. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 29.
  10. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 31.
  11. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 53.
  12. ^ Blackburn 1995, p. 26.
  13. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 53-54.
  14. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 54.
  15. ^ Blackburn 1995, p. 29.
  16. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 20.
  17. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 58-61.
  18. ^ a b c d Blackburn 1995, p. 30.
  19. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 64 & 284.
  20. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 68.
  21. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 71-72.
  22. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 73.
  23. ^ West & Roper 2016, p. 54.
  24. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 74.
  25. ^ Maloney 2007.
  26. ^ a b de Vries 2008, p. 75.
  27. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 76.
  28. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 79.
  29. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 84.
  30. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 87 & 90.
  31. ^ West & Roper 2016, p. 56.
  32. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 85-86 & 90-92.
  33. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 93.
  34. ^ West & Roper 2016.
  35. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 96.
  36. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 104.
  37. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 104-105.
  38. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 106.
  39. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 108.
  40. ^ a b de Vries 2008, p. 114-115.
  41. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 111.
  42. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 116.
  43. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 117.
  44. ^ Bates & White 1985, p. 33.
  45. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 118-119.
  46. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 119-120.
  47. ^ Blackburn 1995, p. 49.
  48. ^ a b Lomas 2015, p. 17.
  49. ^ Blackburn 1995, p. 44 & 49-50.
  50. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 107.
  51. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 120.
  52. ^ Bates & Bridge 2004, p. 49.
  53. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 120-121.
  54. ^ a b Reece 2007a, p. 34.
  55. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 121-122.
  56. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 124.
  57. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 125.
  58. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 127-128.
  59. ^ a b c Reece 2007a, p. 37.
  60. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 127.
  61. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 30.
  62. ^ Western Australia. Aborigines Department 1902, p. 9.
  63. ^ Tilbrook 1983, p. 57.
  64. ^ Bates 1901.
  65. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 22 & 37.
  66. ^ a b de Vries 2008, p. 134.
  67. ^ Reece 2007a, p. 39-40.
  68. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 33-34.
  69. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 38.
  70. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 42.
  71. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 34-36.
  72. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 42 & 44.
  73. ^ Reece 2007a, p. 42 & 176.
  74. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 46.
  75. ^ Reece 2007a, p. 42.
  76. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 49-50.
  77. ^ Reece 2007a, p. 46-47.
  78. ^ a b Thieberger 2017c.
  79. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 51.
  80. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 52 & 55.
  81. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 58.
  82. ^ Reece 2007a, p. 49.
  83. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 51, 70-72 & 77.
  84. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 77.
  85. ^ Reece 2007a, p. 57.
  86. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 85 & 91.
  87. ^ Bates & White 1985, p. ix - Preface.
  88. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 84.
  89. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 50 & 91-97.
  90. ^ Barrington 2015.
  91. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 95-96.
  92. ^ a b Lomas 2015, p. 99-100 & 103.
  93. ^ LyndallDebenhamPascoeRobyn.
  94. ^ Reece 2007a, p. 65.
  95. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 100 & 102-103.
  96. ^ Stingemore 2010, p. 2, 32 & 39-42.
  97. ^ Stingemore 2010, p. 102 & 128.
  98. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 106-118.
  99. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 124.
  100. ^ Lomas 2015, pp. 122–126.
  101. ^ Hogbin 1988.
  102. ^ a b c Huntley 2023.
  103. ^ Turner 1930.
  104. ^ Bates 1938.
  105. ^ The Daily News 1949.
  106. ^ Bates 1973, p. vii.
  107. ^ Bates 1966.
  108. ^ Bates 1939, p. 239–243.
  109. ^ Bates 2014, p. Epilogue.
  110. ^ Bates 1921.
  111. ^ Reece 2007a.
  112. ^ Blackburn 1995, p. 21-23.
  113. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 281.
  114. ^ de Vries 2008, p. 24-25.
  115. ^ Bates 1939, p. 96.
  116. ^ Lomas 2015, p. 105-106.
  117. ^ Kalgoorlie Western Argus 1910.
  118. ^ Kalgoorlie Miner 1910.
  119. ^ Western Mail 1908.
  120. ^ Thieberger 2017a.
  121. ^ Thieberger 2017b.
  122. ^ The Advertiser 1952, p. 2.
  123. ^ R.R. 1964, p. 8.
  124. ^ Pask 1982, p. 71–73.
  125. ^ Anderson 1972, p. 41.

References

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